Waverley
S >> Sir Walter Scott >> Waverley
Pages:
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 | 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 | 31 | 32 | 33 | 34 | 35 | 36 | 37 | 38 | 39 | 40 | 41 | 42
NOTE 24.--THE CHEVALIER'S IRISH OFFICERS
Divisions early showed themselves in the Chevalier's little army, not
only amongst the independent chieftains, who were far too proud to brook
subjection to each other, but betwixt the Scotch and Charles's governor
O'Sullivan, an Irishman by birth, who, with some of his countrymen
bred in the Irish Brigade in the service of the King of France, had an
influence with the Adventurer much resented by the Highlanders, who
were sensible that their own clans made the chief, or rather the only
strength of his enterprise. There was a feud, also, between Lord George
Murray, and James Murray of Broughton, the Prince's secretary, whose
disunion greatly embarrassed the affairs of the Adventurer. In general,
a thousand different pretensions divided their little army, and finally
contributed in no small degree to its overthrow.
NOTE 25.--FIELD-PIECE IN THE HIGHLAND ARMY
This circumstance, which is historical, as well as the description that
precedes it, will remind the reader of the war of La Vendee, in which
the royalists, consisting chiefly of insurgent peasantry, attached a
prodigious and even superstitious interest to the possession of a piece
of brass ordnance, which they called Marie Jeanne.
The Highlanders of an early period were afraid of cannon, with the noise
and effect of which they were totally unacquainted. It was by means
of three or four small pieces of artillery that the Earl of Huntly and
Errol, in James VI's time, gained a great victory at Glenlivat, over a
numerous Highland army, commanded by the Earl of Argyle. At the battle
of the Bridge of Dee, General Middleton obtained by his artillery a
similar success, the Highlanders not being able to stand the discharge
of MUSKET'S-MOTHER, which was the name they bestowed on great guns. In
an old ballad on the battle of the Bridge of Dee, these verses occur:--
The Highlandmen are pretty men
For handling sword and shield,
But yet they are but simple men
To stand a stricken field.
The Highlandmen are pretty men
For target and claymore,
But yet they are but naked men
To face the cannon's roar.
For the cannons roar on a summer night
Like thunder in the air;
Was never man in Highland garb
Would face the cannon fair.
But the Highlanders of 1745 had got far beyond the simplicity of their
forefathers, and showed throughout the whole war how little they dreaded
artillery, although the common people still attached some consequence to
the possession of the field-piece which led to this disquisition.
NOTE 26.--ANDERSON OF WHITBURGH
The faithful friend who pointed out the pass by which the Highlanders
moved from Tranent to Seaton, was Robert Anderson, Junior, of Whitburgh,
a gentleman of property in East Lothian. He had been interrogated by the
Lord George Murray concerning the possibility of crossing the uncouth
and marshy piece of ground which divided the armies, and which he
described as impracticable. When dismissed, he recollected that there
was a circuitous path leading eastward through the marsh into the
plain, by which the Highlanders might turn the flank of Sir John Cope's
position, without being exposed to the enemy's fire. Having mentioned
his opinion to Mr. Hepburn of Keith, who instantly saw its importance,
he was encouraged by that gentleman to awake Lord George Murray, and
communicate the idea to him. Lord George received the information with
grateful thanks, and instantly awakened Prince Charles, who was sleeping
in the field with a bunch of peas under his head. The Adventurer
received with alacrity the news that there was a possibility of bringing
an excellently provided army to a decisive battle with his own irregular
forces. His joy on the occasion was not very consistent with the charge
of cowardice brought against him by Chevalier Johnstone, a discontented
follower, whose Memoirs possess at least as much of a romantic as a
historical character. Even by the account of the Chevalier himself, the
Prince was at the head of the second line of the Highland army during
the battle, of which he says, 'It was gained with such rapidity, that in
the second line, where I was still by the side of the Prince, we saw no
other enemy than those who were lying on the ground killed and wounded,
THOUGH WE WERE NOT MORE THAN FIFTY PACES BEHIND OUR FIRST LINE, RUNNING
ALWAYS AS FAST AS WE COULD TO OVERTAKE THEM.'
This passage in the Chevalier's Memoirs places the Prince within fifty
paces of the best of the battle, a position which would never have been
the choice of one unwilling to take a share of its dangers. Indeed,
unless the chiefs had complied with the young Adventurer's proposal
to lead the van in person, it does not appear that he could have been
deeper in the action.
NOTE 27.--DEATH OF COLONEL GARDINER
The death of this good Christian and gallant man is thus given by
his affectionate biographer Dr. Doddridge, from the evidence of
eye-witnesses:--
'He continued all night under arms, wrapped up in his cloak, and
generally sheltered under a rick of barley, which happened to be in the
field. About three in the morning he called-his domestic servants to
him, of which there were four in waiting. He dismissed three of them
with most affectionate Christian advice, and such solemn charges
relating to the performance of their duty and the care of their souls,
as seemed plainly to intimate that he apprehended it was at least very
probable he was taking his last farewell of them. There is great reason
to believe that he spent the little remainder of the time, which could
not be much above an hour, in those devout exercises of soul which had
been so long habitual to him and to which so many circumstances did then
concur to call him. The army was alarmed, by break of day, by the noise
of the rebels' approach, and the attack was made before sunrise, yet
when it was light enough to discern what passed. As soon as the enemy
came within gunshot they made a furious fire; and it is said that the
dragoons which constituted the left wing immediately fled. The Colonel,
at the beginning of the onset, which in the whole lasted but a few
minutes, received a wound by a bullet in his left breast, which made him
give a sudden spring in his saddle upon which his servant, who led the
horse, would have persuaded him to retreat, but he said it was only a
wound in the flesh, and fought on, though he presently after received a
shot in his right thigh. In the meantime, it was discerned that some
of the enemy fell by him, and particularly one man, who had made him a
treacherous visit but a few days before, with great profession of zeal
for the present establishment.
'Events of this kind pass in less time than the description of them can
be written, or than it can be read. The Colonel was for a few
moments supported by his men, and particularly by that worthy person
Lieutenant-Colonel Whitney, who was shot through the arm here, and a
few months after fell nobly at the battle of Falkirk, and by Lieutenant
West, a man of distinguished bravery, as also by about fifteen dragoons,
who stood by him to the last. But after a faint fire, the regiment in
general was seized with a panic; and though their Colonel and some other
gallant officers did what they could to rally them once or twice, they
at last took a precipitate flight. And just in the moment when Colonel
Gardiner seemed to be making a pause to deliberate what duty required
him to do in such circumstances, an accident happened, which must, I
think, in the judgement of every worthy and generous man, be allowed a
sufficient apology for exposing his life to so great hazard, when his
regiment had left him. He saw a party of the foot, who were then bravely
fighting near him, and whom he was ordered to support, had no officer to
head them; upon which he said eagerly, in the hearing of the person from
whom I had this account, "These brave fellows will be cut to pieces
for want of a commander," or words to that effect; which while he was
speaking, he rode up to them and cried out, "Fire on, my lads, and fear
nothing." But just as the words were out of his mouth, a Highlander
advanced towards him with a scythe fastened to a long pole, with which
he gave him so dreadful a wound on his right arm, that his sword dropped
out of his hand; and at the same time several others coming about him
while he was thus dreadfully entangled with that cruel weapon, he was
dragged off from his horse. The moment he fell, another Highlander, who,
if the king's evidence at Carlisle may be credited (as I know not why
they should not, though the unhappy creature died denying it), was
one Mac-Naught, who was executed about a year after, gave him a stroke
either with a broadsword or a Lochaber-axe (for my informant could
not exactly distinguish) on the hinder part of his head, which was the
mortal blow. All that his faithful attendant saw further at this time
was, that, as his hat was falling off, he took it in his left hand, and
waved it as a signal to him to retreat, and added what were the last
words he ever heard him speak, "Take care of yourself," upon which the
servant retired.'--SOME REMARKABLE PASSAGES IN THE LIFE OF COLONEL JAMES
GARDINER, BY P. DODDRIDGE, D.D., London, 1747, p. 187.
I may remark on this extract, that it confirms the account given in
the text of the resistance offered by some of the English infantry.
Surprised by a force of a peculiar and unusual description, their
opposition could not be long or formidable, especially as they
were deserted by the cavalry, and those who undertook to manage the
artillery. But although the affair was soon decided, I have always
understood that many of the infantry showed an inclination to do their
duty.
NOTE 28.-THE LAIRD OF BALMAWHAPPLE
It is scarcely necessary to say that the character of this brutal
young Laird is entirely imaginary. A gentleman, however, who resembled
Balmawhapple in the article of courage only, fell at Preston in
the manner described. A Perthshire gentleman of high honour and
respectability, one of the handful of cavalry who followed the fortunes
of Charles Edward, pursued the fugitive dragoons almost alone till
near St. Clement's Wells, where the efforts of some of the officers had
prevailed on a few of them to make a momentary stand. Perceiving at this
moment that they were pursued by only one man and a couple of servants,
they turned upon him and cut him down with their swords. I remember,
when a child, sitting on his grave, where the grass long grew rank and
green, distinguishing it from the rest of the field. A female of the
family then residing at St. Clement's Wells used to tell me the tragedy,
of which she had been an eye-witness, and showed me in evidence one of
the silver clasps of the unfortunate gentleman's waistcoat.
NOTE 29.--ANDREA DE FERRARA
The name of Andrea de Ferrara is inscribed on all the Scottish
broadswords which are accounted of peculiar excellence. Who this artist
was, what were his fortunes, and when he flourished, have hitherto
defied the research of antiquaries; only it is in general believed that
Andrea de Ferrara was a Spanish or Italian artificer, brought over by
James IV or V to instruct the Scots in the manufacture of sword blades.
Most barbarous nations excel in the fabrication of arms; and the Scots
had attained great proficiency in forging swords, so early as the field
of Pinkie; at which period the historian Patten describes them as 'all
notably broad and thin, universally made to slice, and of such exceeding
good temper, that as I never saw any so good, so I think it hard to
devise better.' ACCOUNT OF SOMERSET'S EXPEDITION.
It may be observed, that the best and most genuine Andrea Ferraras have
a crown marked on the blades.
NOTE 30.--MISS NAIRNE
The incident here said to have happened to Flora, Mac-Ivor, actually
befell Miss Nairne, a lady with whom the author had the pleasure of
being acquainted. As the Highland army rushed into Edinburgh, Miss
Nairne, like other ladies who approved of their cause, stood waving her
handkerchief from a balcony, when a ball from a Highlander's musket,
which was discharged by accident, grazed her forehead. 'Thank God' said
she, the instant she recovered, 'that the accident happened to me, whose
principles are known. Had it befallen a Whig, they would have said it
was done on purpose.'
NOTE 31.--PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD
The Author of Waverley has been charged with painting the young
Adventurer in colours more amiable than his character deserved. But
having known many individuals who were near his person, he has been
described according to the light in which those eye-witnesses saw his
temper and qualifications. Something must be allowed, no doubt, to
the natural exaggerations of those who remembered him as the bold and
adventurous Prince, in whose cause they had braved death and ruin; but
is their evidence to give place entirely to that of a single malcontent?
I have already noticed the imputations thrown by the Chevalier Johnstone
on the Prince's courage. But some part at least of that gentleman's tale
is purely romantic. It would not, for instance, be supposed, that at
the time he is favouring us with the highly-wrought account of his amour
with the adorable Peggie, the Chevalier Johnstone was a married man,
whose grandchild is now alive, or that the whole circumstantial story
concerning the outrageous vengeance taken by Gordon of Abbachie on a
Presbyterian clergyman, is entirely apocryphal. At the same time it may
be admitted, that the Prince, like others of his family, did not esteem
the services done him by his adherents so highly as he ought. Educated
in high ideas of his hereditary right, he has been supposed to have held
every exertion and sacrifice made in his cause as too much the duty of
the person making it, to merit extravagant gratitude on his part.
Dr. King's evidence (which his leaving the Jacobite interest renders
somewhat doubtful) goes to strengthen this opinion.
The ingenious editor of Johnstone's MEMOIRS has quoted a story said
to be told by Helvetius, stating that Prince Charles Edward, far from
voluntarily embarking on his daring expedition, was literally bound hand
and foot, and to which he seems disposed to yield credit. Now, it being
a fact as well known as any in his history, and, so far as I know,
entirely undisputed, that the Prince's personal entreaties and urgency
positively forced Boisdale and Lochiel into insurrection, when they
were earnestly desirous that he would put off his attempt until he could
obtain a sufficient force from France, it will be very difficult to
reconcile his alleged reluctance to undertake the expedition, with his
desperately insisting on carrying the rising into effect, against the
advice and entreaty of his most powerful and most sage partisans. Surely
a man who had been carried bound on board the vessel which brought him
to so desperate an enterprise, would have taken the opportunity afforded
by the reluctance of his partisans, to return to France in safety.
It is averred in Johnstone's Memoirs, that Charles Edward left the field
of Culloden without doing the utmost to dispute the victory; and,
to give the evidence on both sides, there is in existence the more
trustworthy testimony of Lord Elcho, who states, that he himself
earnestly exhorted the Prince to charge at the head of the left wing,
which was entire, and retrieve the day, or die with honour. And on
his counsel being declined, Lord Elcho took leave of him with a bitter
execration, swearing he would never look on his face again, and kept his
word.
On the other hand, it seems to have been the opinion of almost all the
other officers, that the day was irretrievably lost, one wing of the
Highlanders being entirely routed, the rest of the army out-numbered,
out-flanked, and in a condition totally hopeless. In this situation of
things, the Irish officers who surrounded Charles's person interfered
to force him off the field. A cornet who was close to the Prince, left
a strong attestation, that he had seen Sir Thomas Sheridan seize the
bridle of his horse, and turn him round. There is some discrepancy of
evidence; but the opinion of Lord Elcho, a man of fiery temper, and
desperate at the ruin which he beheld impending, cannot fairly be taken
in prejudice of a character for courage which is intimated by the nature
of the enterprise itself, by the Prince's eagerness to fight on all
occasions, by his determination to advance from Derby to London, and by
the presence of mind which he manifested during the romantic perils of
his escape. The author is far from claiming for this unfortunate person
the praise due to splendid talents; but he continues to be of opinion,
that at the period of his enterprise, he had a mind capable of facing
danger and aspiring to fame.
That Charles Edward had the advantages of a graceful presence, courtesy,
and an address and manner becoming his station, the author never heard
disputed by any who approached his person, nor does he conceive that
these qualities are overcharged in the present attempt to sketch his
portrait. The following extracts, corroborative of the general opinion
respecting the Prince's amiable disposition, are taken from a manuscript
account of his romantic expedition, by James Maxwell of Kirkconnel,
of which I possess a copy, by the friendship of J. Menzies, Esq.,
of Pitfoddells. The author, though partial to the Prince, whom he
faithfully followed, seems to have been a fair and candid man, and well
acquainted with the intrigues among the Adventurer's council:--
'Everybody was mightily taken with the Prince's figure and personal
behaviour. There was but one voice about them. Those whom interest or
prejudice made a runaway to his cause, could not help acknowledging that
they wished him well in all other respects, and could hardly blame him
for his present undertaking. Sundry things had concurred to raise his
character to the highest pitch, besides the greatness of the enterprise,
and the conduct that had hitherto appeared in the execution of it. There
were several instances of good nature and humanity that had made a great
impression on people's minds, I shall confine myself to two or three.
Immediately after the battle, as the Prince was riding along the ground
that Cope's army had occupied a few minutes before, one of the officers
came up to congratulate him, and said, pointing to the killed, "Sir,
there are your enemies at your feet." The Prince, far from exulting,
expressed a great deal of compassion for his father's deluded subjects,
whom he declared he was heartily sorry to see in that posture. Next day,
while the Prince was at Pinkie-house, a citizen of Edinburgh came to
make some representation to Secretary Murray about the tents that city
was ordered to furnish against a certain day. Murray happened to be out
of the way, which the Prince hearing of, called to have the gentleman
brought to him, saying, he would rather dispatch the business, whatever
it was, himself, than have the gentleman wait, which he did, by granting
everything that was asked. So much affability in a young prince, flushed
with victory, drew encomiums even from his enemies. But what gave the
people the highest idea of him, was the negative he gave to a thing that
very nearly concerned his interest, and upon which the success of
his enterprise perhaps depended. It was proposed to send one of the
prisoners to London, to demand of that court a cartel for the exchange
of prisoners taken, and to be taken, during this war, and to intimate
that a refusal would be looked upon as a resolution on their part to
give no quarter. It was visible a cartel would be of great advantage to
the Prince's affairs; his friends would be more ready to declare for him
if they had nothing to fear but the chance of war in the field; and
if the court of London refused to settle a cartel, the Prince was
authorized to treat his prisoners in the same manner the Elector of
Hanover was determined to treat such of the Prince's friends as might
fall into his hands: it was urged that a few examples would compel the
court of London to comply. It was to be presumed that the officers of
the English army would make a point of it. They had never engaged in the
service but upon such terms as are in use among all civilized nations,
and it could be no stain upon their honour to lay down their commissions
if these terms were not observed, and that owing to the obstinacy of
their own Prince. Though this scheme was plausible, and represented as
very important, the Prince could never be brought into it: it was below
him, he said, to make empty threats, and he would never put such as
those into execution; he would never in cold blood take away lives which
he had saved in heat of action, at the peril of his own. These were not
the only proofs of good nature the Prince gave about this time. Every
day produced something new of this kind. These things softened the
rigour of a military government, which was only imputed to the necessity
of his affairs, and which he endeavoured to make as gentle and easy as
possible.'
It has been said, that the Prince sometimes exacted more state and
ceremonial than seemed to suit his condition; but, on the other hand
some strictness of etiquette was altogether indispensable where he must
otherwise have been exposed to general intrusion. He could also endure,
with a good grace, the retorts which his affectation of ceremony
sometimes exposed him to. It is said, for example, that Grant of
Glenmoriston having made a hasty march to join Charles, at the head
of his clan, rushed into the Prince's presence at Holyrood with
unceremonious haste, without having attended to the duties of the
toilet. The Prince received him kindly, but not without a hint that
a previous interview with the barber might not have been wholly
unnecessary. 'It is not beardless boys,' answered the displeased Chief,
'who are to do your Royal Highness's turn.' The Chevalier took the
rebuke in good part.
On the whole, if Prince Charles had concluded his life soon after his
miraculous escape, his character in history must have stood very high.
As it was, his station is amongst those, a certain brilliant portion of
whose life forms a remarkable contrast to all which precedes, and all
which follows it.
NOTE 32.--THE SKIRMISH AT CLIFTON
The following account of the skirmish at Clifton is extracted from
the manuscript Memoirs of Evan Macpherson of Cluny, chief of the clan
Macpherson who had the merit of supporting the principal brunt of that
spirited affair. The Memoirs appear to have been composed about 1755,
only ten years after the action had taken place. They were written in
France, where that gallant Chief resided in exile, which accounts for
some Gallicisms which occur in the narrative.
'In the Prince's return from Derby back towards Scotland, my Lord George
Murray, Lieutenant-General, cheerfully charg'd himself with the command
of the rear; a post, which, altho' honourable, was attended with great
danger, many difficulties, and no small fatigue; for the Prince being
apprehensive that his retreat to Scotland might be cut off by Marischall
Wade, who lay to the northward of him with an armie much superior to
what H. R. H. had, while the Duke of Comberland with his whole cavalrie
followed hard in the rear, was obliged to hasten his marches. It was
not, therefore, possible for the artilirie to march so fast as the
Prince's armie, in the depth of winter, extremely bad weather, and
the worst roads in England; so Lord George Murray was obliged often to
continue his marches long after it was dark almost every night, while at
the same time, he had frequent allarms and disturbances from the Duke of
Comberland's advanc'd parties. Towards the evening of the twentie-eight
December 1745, the Prince entered the town of Penrith, in the Province
of Comberland. But as Lord George Murray could not bring up the
artilirie so fast as he wou'd have wish'd, he was obliged to pass
the night six miles short of that town, together with the regiment of
Mac-Donel of Glengarrie, which that day happened to have the arrear
guard. The Prince, in order to refresh his armie, and to give my Lord
George and the artilirie time to come up, resolved to sejour the 29th at
Penrith; so ordered his little army to appear in the morning under arms,
in order to be reviewed, and to know in what manner the numbers stood
from his haveing entered England. It did not at that time amount to
5000 foot in all, with about 400 cavalrie, composed of the noblesse who
serv'd as volunteers, part of whom form'd a first troop of guards for
the Prince, under the command of My Lord Elchoe, now Comte de Weems,
who, being proscribed, is presently in France. Another part formed a
second troup of guards under the command of My Lord Balmirino, who was
beheaded at the Tower of London. A third part serv'd under My Lord le
Comte de Kilmarnock, who was likewise beheaded at the Tower. A fourth
part serv'd under My Lord Pitsligow, who is also proscribed; which
cavalrie, tho' very few in numbers, being all Noblesse, were very brave,
and of infinite advantage to the foot, not only in the day of battle,
but in serving as advanced guards on the several marches, and in
patroling dureing the night on the different roads which led towards the
towns where the army happened to quarter.