History Of Florence And Of The Affairs Of Italy

N >> Niccolo Machiavelli >> History Of Florence And Of The Affairs Of Italy


Florence continued in disunion and disturbance. The dissensions
continued among the party of Cosmo, in 1455, from the causes already
related, which by his prudence, as we have also before remarked, he was
enabled to tranquilize; but in the year 1464, his illness increased,
and he died. Friends and enemies alike grieved for his loss; for his
political opponents, perceiving the rapacity of the citizens, even
during the life of him who alone restrained them and made their tyranny
supportable, were afraid, lest after his decease, nothing but ruin would
ensue. Nor had they much hope of his son Piero, who though a very good
man, was of infirm health, and new in the government, and they thought
he would be compelled to give way; so that, being unrestrained, their
rapacity would pass all bounds. On these accounts, the regret was
universal. Of all who have left memorials behind them, and who were not
of the military profession, Cosmo was the most illustrious and the most
renowned. He not only surpassed all his contemporaries in wealth and
authority, but also in generosity and prudence; and among the qualities
which contributed to make him prince in his own country, was his
surpassing all others in magnificence and generosity. His liberality
became more obvious after his death, when Piero, his son, wishing
to know what he possessed, it appeared there was no citizen of any
consequence to whom Cosmo had not lent a large sum of money; and often,
when informed of some nobleman being in distress, he relieved him
unasked. His magnificence is evident from the number of public edifices
he erected; for in Florence are the convents and churches of St. Marco
and St. Lorenzo, and the monastery of Santa Verdiana; in the mountains
of Fiesole, the church and abbey of St. Girolamo; and in the Mugello, he
not only restored, but rebuilt from its foundation, a monastery of the
Frati Minori, or Minims. Besides these, in the church of Santa Croce,
the Servi, the Agnoli, and in San Miniato, he erected splendid chapels
and altars; and besides building the churches and chapels we have
mentioned, he provided them with all the ornaments, furniture, and
utensils suitable for the performance of divine service. To these sacred
edifices are to be added his private dwellings, one in Florence, of
extent and elegance adapted to so great a citizen, and four others,
situated at Careggi, Fiesole, Craggiulo, and Trebbio, each, for size and
grandeur, equal to royal palaces. And, as if it were not sufficient
to be distinguished for magnificence of buildings in Italy alone, he
erected an hospital at Jerusalem, for the reception of poor and infirm
pilgrims. Although his habitations, like all his other works and
actions, were quite of a regal character, and he alone was prince in
Florence, still everything was so tempered with his prudence, that
he never transgressed the decent moderation of civil life; in his
conversation, his servants, his traveling, his mode of living, and the
relationships he formed, the modest demeanor of the citizen was always
evident; for he was aware that a constant exhibition of pomp brings
more envy upon its possessor than greater realities borne without
ostentation. Thus in selecting consorts for his sons, he did not
seek the alliance of princes, but for Giovanni chose Corneglia degli
Allesandri, and for Piero, Lucrezia de' Tornabuoni. He gave his
granddaughters, the children of Piero, Bianca to Guglielmo de' Pazzi,
and Nannina to Bernardo Ruccellai. No one of his time possessed such an
intimate knowledge of government and state affairs as himself; and hence
amid such a variety of fortune, in a city so given to change, and among
a people of such extreme inconstancy, he retained possession of the
government thirty-one years; for being endowed with the utmost prudence,
he foresaw evils at a distance, and therefore had an opportunity either
of averting them, or preventing their injurious results. He thus not
only vanquished domestic and civil ambition, but humbled the pride of
many princes with so much fidelity and address, that whatever powers
were in league with himself and his country, either overcame their
adversaries, or remained uninjured by his alliance; and whoever were
opposed to him, lost either their time, money, or territory. Of this
the Venetians afford a sufficient proof, who, while in league with him
against Duke Filippo were always victorious, but apart from him were
always conquered; first by Filippo and then by Francesco. When they
joined Alfonso against the Florentine republic, Cosmo, by his commercial
credit, so drained Naples and Venice of money, that they were glad to
obtain peace upon any terms it was thought proper to grant. Whatever
difficulties he had to contend with, whether within the city or without,
he brought to a happy issue, at once glorious to himself and destructive
to his enemies; so that civil discord strengthened his government in
Florence, and war increased his power and reputation abroad. He added
to the Florentine dominions, the Borgo of St. Sepolcro, Montedoglio, the
Casentino and Val di Bagno. His virtue and good fortune overcame all his
enemies and exalted his friends. He was born in the year 1389, on the
day of the saints Cosmo and Damiano. His earlier years were full of
trouble, as his exile, captivity, and personal danger fully testify;
and having gone to the council of Constance, with Pope John, in order to
save his life, after the ruin of the latter, he was obliged to escape in
disguise. But after the age of forty, he enjoyed the greatest felicity;
and not only those who assisted him in public business, but his
agents who conducted his commercial speculations throughout Europe,
participated in his prosperity. Hence many enormous fortunes took their
origin in different families of Florence, as in that of the Tornabuoni,
the Benci, the Portinari, and the Sassetti. Besides these, all who
depended upon his advice and patronage became rich; and, though he
was constantly expending money in building churches, and in charitable
purposes, he sometimes complained to his friends that he had never been
able to lay out so much in the service of God as to find the balance in
his own favor, intimating that all he had done or could do, was still
unequal to what the Almighty had done for him. He was of middle stature,
olive complexion, and venerable aspect; not learned but exceedingly
eloquent, endowed with great natural capacity, generous to his friends,
kind to the poor, comprehensive in discourse, cautious in advising,
and in his speeches and replies, grave and witty. When Rinaldo degli
Albizzi, at the beginning of his exile, sent to him to say, "the hen had
laid," he replied, "she did ill to lay so far from the nest." Some other
of the rebels gave him to understand they were "not dreaming." He said,
"he believed it, for he had robbed them of their sleep." When Pope
Pius was endeavoring to induce the different governments to join in
an expedition against the Turks, he said, "he was an old man, and had
undertaken the enterprise of a young one." To the Venetians ambassadors,
who came to Florence with those of King Alfonso to complain of the
republic, he uncovered his head, and asked them what color it was; they
said, "white;" he replied, "it is so; and it will not be long before
your senators have heads as white as mine." A few hours before his
death, his wife asked him why he kept his eyes shut, and he said, "to
get them in the way of it." Some citizens saying to him, after his
return from exile, that he injured the city, and that it was offensive
to God to drive so many religious persons out of it; he replied that,
"it was better to injure the city, than to ruin it; that two yards
of rose-colored cloth would make a gentleman, and that it required
something more to direct a government than to play with a string of
beads." These words gave occasion to his enemies to slander him, as a
man who loved himself more than his country, and was more attached
to this world than to the next. Many others of his sayings might be
adduced, but we shall omit them as unnecessary. Cosmo was a friend and
patron of learned men. He brought Argiripolo, a Greek by birth, and one
of the most erudite of his time, to Florence, to instruct the youth in
Hellenic literature. He entertained Marsilio Ficino, the reviver of the
Platonic philosophy, in his own house; and being much attached to him,
have him a residence near his palace at Careggi, that he might pursue
the study of letters with greater convenience, and himself have an
opportunity of enjoying his company. His prudence, his great wealth, the
uses to which he applied it, and his splendid style of living, caused
him to be beloved and respected in Florence, and obtained for him the
highest consideration, not only among the princes and governments of
Italy, but throughout all Europe. He thus laid a foundation for his
descendants, which enabled them to equal him in virtue, and greatly
surpass him in fortune; while the authority they possessed in Florence
and throughout Christendom was not obtained without being merited.
Toward the close of his life he suffered great affliction; for, of his
two sons, Piero and Giovanni, the latter, of whom he entertained the
greatest hopes, died; and the former was so sickly as to be unable to
attend either to public or private business. On being carried from
one apartment to another, after Giovanni's death, he remarked to his
attendants, with a sigh, "This is too large a house for so small a
family." His great mind also felt distressed at the idea that he had not
extended the Florentine dominions by any valuable acquisition; and he
regretted it the more, from imagining he had been deceived by Francesco
Sforza, who, while count, had promised, that if he became lord of Milan,
he would undertake the conquest of Lucca for the Florentines, a design,
however, that was never realized; for the count's ideas changed upon his
becoming duke; he resolved to enjoy in peace, the power he had acquired
by war, and would not again encounter its fatigues and dangers, unless
the welfare of his own dominions required it. This was a source of much
annoyance to Cosmo, who felt he had incurred great expense and trouble
for an ungrateful and perfidious friend. His bodily infirmities
prevented him from attending either to public or private affairs, as he
had been accustomed, and he consequently witnessed both going to decay;
for Florence was ruined by her own citizens, and his fortune by his
agents and children. He died, however, at the zenith of his glory and
in the enjoyment of the highest renown. The city, and all the Christian
princes, condoled with his son Piero for his loss. His funeral was
conducted with the utmost pomp and solemnity, the whole city following
his corpse to the tomb in the church of St. Lorenzo, on which, by public
decree, he was inscribed, "FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY." If, in speaking of
Cosmo's actions, I have rather imitated the biographies of princes than
general history, it need not occasion wonder; for of so extraordinary an
individual I was compelled to speak with unusual praise.



CHAPTER II

The duke of Milan becomes lord of Genoa--The king of Naples and the
duke of Milan endeavor to secure their dominions to their heirs--Jacopo
Piccinino honorably received at Milan, and shortly afterward murdered
at Naples--Fruitless endeavors of Pius II. to excite Christendom against
the Turks--Death of Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan--Perfidious counsel
given to Piero de' Medici by Diotisalvi Neroni--Conspiracy of
Diotisalvi and others against Piero--Futile attempts to appease the
disorders--Public spectacles--Projects of the conspirators against Piero
de' Medici--Niccolo Fedini discloses to Piero the plots of his enemies.

While Florence and Italy were in this condition, Louis XI. of France
was involved in very serious troubles with his barons, who, with the
assistance of Francis, duke of Brittany, and Charles, duke of Burgundy,
were in arms against him. This attack was so serious, that he was unable
to render further assistance to John of Anjou in his enterprise against
Genoa and Naples; and, standing in need of all the forces he could
raise, he gave over Savona (which still remained in the power of the
French) to the duke of Milan, and also intimated, that if he wished,
he had his permission to undertake the conquest of Genoa. Francesco
accepted the proposal, and with the influence afforded by the king's
friendship, and the assistance of the Adorni, he became lord of Genoa.
In acknowledgment of this benefit, he sent fifteen hundred horse into
France for the king's service, under the command of Galeazzo, his eldest
son. Thus Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza became, the latter,
duke of Lombardy and prince of Genoa, and the former, sovereign of the
whole kingdom of Naples. Their families being allied by marriage, they
thought they might so confirm their power as to secure to themselves its
enjoyment during life, and at their deaths, its unencumbered reversion
to their heirs. To attain this end, they considered it necessary that
the king should remove all ground of apprehension from those barons who
had offended him in the war of John of Anjou, and that the duke should
extirpate the adherents of the Bracceschi, the natural enemies of
his family, who, under Jacopo Piccinino, had attained the highest
reputation. The latter was now the first general in Italy, and
possessing no territory, he naturally excited the apprehension of all
who had dominions, and especially of the duke, who, conscious of what
he had himself done, thought he could neither enjoy his own estate in
safety, nor leave them with any degree of security to his son during
Jacopo's lifetime. The king, therefore, strenuously endeavored to come
to terms with his barons, and using his utmost ingenuity to secure them,
succeeded in his object; for they perceived their ruin to be inevitable
if they continued in war with their sovereign, though from submission
and confidence in him, they would still have reason for apprehension.
Mankind are always most eager to avoid a certain evil; and hence
inferior powers are easily deceived by princes. The barons, conscious
of the danger of continuing the war, trusted the king's promises, and
having placed themselves in his hands, they were soon after destroyed
in various ways, and under a variety of pretexts. This alarmed Jacopo
Piccinino, who was with his forces at Sulmona; and to deprive the king
of the opportunity of treating him similarly, he endeavored, by the
mediation of his friends, to be reconciled with the duke, who, by the
most liberal offers, induced Jacopo to visit him at Milan, accompanied
by only a hundred horse.

Jacopo had served many years with his father and brother, first under
Duke Filippo, and afterward under the Milanese republic, so that by
frequent intercourse with the citizens he had acquired many friends and
universal popularity, which present circumstances tended to increase;
for the prosperity and newly acquired power of the Sforzeschi had
occasioned envy, while Jacopo's misfortunes and long absence had given
rise to compassion and a great desire to see him. These various feelings
were displayed upon his arrival; for nearly all the nobility went to
meet him; the streets through which he passed were filled with citizens,
anxious to catch a glimpse of him, while shouts of "The Bracceschi! the
Bracceschi!" resounded on all sides. These honors accelerated his ruin;
for the duke's apprehensions increased his desire of destroying him; and
to effect this with the least possible suspicion, Jacopo's marriage with
Drusiana, the duke's natural daughter, was now celebrated. The duke then
arranged with Ferrando to take him into pay, with the title of captain
of his forces, and give him 100,000 florins for his maintenance. After
this agreement, Jacopo, accompanied by a ducal ambassador and his wife
Drusiana, proceeded to Naples, where he was honorably and joyfully
received, and for many days entertained with every kind of festivity;
but having asked permission to go to Sulmona, where his forces were, the
king invited him to a banquet in the castle, at the conclusion of which
he and his son Francesco were imprisoned, and shortly afterward put to
death. It was thus our Italian princes, fearing those virtues in others
which they themselves did not possess, extirpated them; and hence the
country became a prey to the efforts of those by whom it was not long
afterward oppressed and ruined.

At this time, Pope Pius II. having settled the affairs of Romagna, and
witnessing a universal peace, thought it a suitable opportunity to lead
the Christians against the Turks, and adopted measures similar to those
which his predecessors had used. All the princes promised assistance
either in men or money; while Matthias, king of Hungary, and Charles,
duke of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining the enterprise
in person, and were by the pope appointed leaders of the expedition. The
pontiff was so full of expectation, that he left Rome and proceeded
to Ancona, where it had been arranged that the whole army should be
assembled, and the Venetians engaged to send ships thither to convey the
forces to Sclavonia. Upon the arrival of the pope in that city,
there was soon such a concourse of people, that in a few days all
the provisions it contained, or that could be procured from the
neighborhood, were consumed, and famine began to impend. Besides this,
there was no money to provide those who were in want of it, nor arms
to furnish such as were without them. Neither Matthias nor Charles made
their appearance. The Venetians sent a captain with some galleys, but
rather for ostentation and the sake of keeping their word, than for the
purpose of conveying troops. During this position of affairs, the pope,
being old and infirm, died, and the assembled troops returned to their
homes. The death of the pontiff occurred in 1465, and Paul II. of
Venetian origin, was chosen to succeed him; and that nearly all the
principalities of Italy might change their rulers about the same period,
in the following year Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, also died, having
occupied the dukedom sixteen years, and Galleazzo, his son, succeeded
him.

The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into the Florentine
dissensions, and caused them to produce more prompt effects than they
would otherwise have done. Upon the demise of Cosmo, his son Piero,
being heir to the wealth and government of his father, called to his
assistance Diotisalvi Neroni, a man of great influence and the highest
reputation, in whom Cosmo reposed so much confidence that just before
his death he recommended Piero to be wholly guided by him, both with
regard to the government of the city and the management of his fortune.
Piero acquired Diotisalvi with the opinion Cosmo entertained of him,
and said that as he wished to obey his father, though now no more, as
he always had while alive, he should consult him concerning both his
patrimony and the city. Beginning with his private affairs, he caused
an account of all his property, liabilities, and assets, to be placed in
Diotisalvi's hands, that, with an entire acquaintance with the state of
his affairs, he might be able to afford suitable advice, and the latter
promised to use the utmost care. Upon examination of these accounts the
affairs were found to be in great disorder, and Diotisalvi, instigated
rather by his own ambition than by attachment to Piero or gratitude
to Cosmo, thought he might without difficulty deprive him of both
the reputation and the splendor which his father had left him as his
inheritance. In order to realize his views, he waited upon Piero, and
advised him to adopt a measure which, while it appeared quite correct in
itself, and suitable to existing circumstances, involved a consequence
destructive to his authority. He explained the disorder of his affairs,
and the large amount of money it would be necessary to provide, if he
wished to preserve his influence in the state and his reputation of
wealth; and said there was no other means of remedying these disorders
so just and available as to call in the sums which his father had lent
to an infinite number of persons, both foreigners and citizens;
for Cosmo, to acquire partisans in Florence and friends abroad, was
extremely liberal of his money, and the amount of loans due to him was
enormous. Piero thought the advice good, because he was only desirous to
repossess his own property to meet the demands to which he was liable;
but as soon as he had ordered those amounts to be recalled, the
citizens, as if he had asked for something to which he had no kind of
claim, took great offense, loaded him with opprobrious expressions, and
accused him of being avaricious and ungrateful.

Diotisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero, occasioned
by his own advice, obtained an interview with Luca Pitti, Agnolo
Acciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini, and they resolved to unite their
efforts to deprive him both of the government and his influence. Each
was actuated by a different motive; Luca Pitti wished to take the
position Cosmo had occupied, for he was now become so great, that he
disdained to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni, who knew Luca unfit
to be at the head of a government, thought that of necessity on Piero's
removal, the whole authority of the state would devolve upon himself;
Niccolo Soderini desired the city to enjoy greater liberty, and for
the laws to be equally binding upon all. Agnolo Acciajuoli was greatly
incensed against the Medici, for the following reasons: his son,
Raffaello, had some time before married Alessandra de' Bardi, and
received with her a large dowry. She, either by her own fault or
the misconduct of others, suffered much ill-treatment both from her
father-in-law and her husband, and in consequence Lorenzo d' Ilarione,
her kinsman, out of pity for the girl, being accompanied by several
armed men, took her away from Agnolo's house. The Acciajuoli complained
of the injury done them by the Bardi, and the matter was referred to
Cosmo, who decided that the Acciajuoli should restore to Alessandra her
fortune, and then leave it to her choice either to return to her husband
or not. Agnolo thought Cosmo had not, in this instance, treated him as
a friend; and having been unable to avenge himself on the father, he now
resolved to do his utmost to ruin the son. These conspirators, though
each was influenced by a different motive from the rest, affected to
have only one object in view, which was that the city should be governed
by the magistrates, and not be subjected to the counsels of a few
individuals. The odium against Piero, and opportunities of injuring him,
were increased by the number of merchants who failed about this time;
for it was reported that he, in having, quite unexpectedly to all,
resolved to call in his debts, had, to the disgrace and ruin of the
city, caused them to become insolvent. To this was added his endeavor
to obtain Clarice degli Orsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son; and
hence his enemies took occasion to say, it was quite clear, that as he
despised a Florentine alliance, he no longer considered himself one of
the people, and was preparing to make himself prince; for he who refuses
his fellow-citizens as relatives, desires to make them slaves, and
therefore cannot expect to have them as friends. The leaders of the
sedition thought they had the victory in their power; for the greater
part of the citizens followed them, deceived by the name of liberty
which they, to give their purpose a graceful covering, adopted upon
their ensigns.

In this agitated state of the city, some, to whom civil discord was
extremely offensive, thought it would be well to endeavor to engage
men's minds with some new occupation, because when unemployed they
are commonly led by whoever chooses to excite them. To divert their
attention from matters of government, it being now a year since the
death of Cosmo, it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar to
the most solemn observed in the city. At one of them was represented
the arrival of the three kings from the east, led by the star which
announced the nativity of Christ; which was conducted with such pomp and
magnificence, that the preparations for it kept the whole city occupied
many months. The other was a tournament (for so they call the exhibition
of equestrian combats), in which the sons of the first families in the
city took part with the most celebrated cavaliers of Italy. Among the
most distinguished of the Florentine youth was Lorenzo, eldest son of
Piero, who, not by favor, but by his own personal valor, obtained the
principal prize. When these festivals were over, the citizens reverted
to the same thoughts which had previously occupied them, and each
pursued his ideas with more earnestness than ever. Serious differences
and troubles were the result; and these were greatly increased by two
circumstances: one of which was, that the authority of the balia had
expired; the other, that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo the
new duke sent ambassadors to Florence, to renew the engagements of his
father with the city, which, among other things, provided that every
year a certain sum of money should be paid to the duke. The principal
opponents of the Medici took occasion, from this demand, to make public
resistance in the councils, on pretense that the alliance was made with
Francesco and not Galeazzo; so that Francesco being dead, the obligation
had ceased; nor was there any necessity to revive it, because Galeazzo
did not possess his father's talents, and consequently they neither
could nor ought to expect the same benefits from him; that if they had
derived little advantage from Francesco, they would obtain still less
from Galeazzo; and that if any citizen wished to hire him for his own
purposes, it was contrary to civil rule, and inconsistent with the
public liberty. Piero, on the contrary, argued that it would be very
impolitic to lose such an alliance from mere avarice, and that there
was nothing so important to the republic, and to the whole of Italy,
as their alliance with the duke; that the Venetians, while they were
united, could not hope either by feigned friendship or open war
to injure the duchy; but as soon as they perceived the Florentines
alienated from him they would prepare for hostilities, and, finding him
young, new in the government, and without friends, they would, either
by force or fraud, compel him to join them; in which case ruin of the
republic would be inevitable.