History Of Florence And Of The Affairs Of Italy

N >> Niccolo Machiavelli >> History Of Florence And Of The Affairs Of Italy


It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been banished, and the end of
August, 1434, being come, Niccolo di Cocco was drawn Gonfalonier for
the two succeeding months, and with him eight signors, all partisans of
Cosmo. This struck terror into Rinaldo and his party; and as it is usual
for three days to elapse before the new Signory assume the magistracy
and the old resign their authority, Rinaldo again called together
the heads of his party. He endeavored to show them their certain and
immediate danger, and that their only remedy was to take arms, and cause
Donato Velluti, who was yet Gonfalonier, to assemble the people in the
piazza and create a Balia. He would then deprive the new Signory of the
magistracy, appoint another, burn the present balloting purses, and by
means of a new Squittini, provide themselves with friends. Many thought
this course safe and requisite; others, that it was too violent, and
likely to be attended with great evil. Among those who disliked it was
Palla Strozzi, a peaceable, gentle, and humane person, better adapted
for literary pursuits than for restraining a party, or opposing civil
strife. He said that bold and crafty resolutions seem promising at
their commencement, but are afterward found difficult to execute, and
generally pernicious at their conclusion; that he thought the fear of
external wars (the duke's forces being upon the confines of Romagna),
would occupy the minds of the Signory more than internal dissensions;
but, still, if any attempt should be made, and it could not take place
unnoticed, they would have sufficient time to take arms, and adopt
whatever measures might be found necessary for the common good, which
being done upon necessity, would occasion less excitement among the
people and less danger to themselves. It was therefore concluded,
that the new Signory should come in; that their proceedings should be
watched, and if they were found attempting anything against the party,
each should take arms, and meet in the piazza of San Pulinari, situated
near the palace, and whence they might proceed wherever it was found
necessary. Having come to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends separated.

The new Signory entered upon their office, and the Gonfalonier, in order
to acquire reputation, and deter those who might intend to oppose him,
sent Donato Velluti, his predecessor, to prison, upon the charge of
having applied the public money to his own use. He then endeavored to
sound his colleagues with respect to Cosmo: seeing them desirous of his
return, he communicated with the leaders of the Medici party, and,
by their advice, summoned the hostile chiefs, Rinaldo degli Albizzi,
Ridolfo Peruzzi, and Niccolo Barbadoro. After this citation, Rinaldo
thought further delay would be dangerous: he therefore left his house
with a great number of armed men, and was soon joined by Ridolfo Peruzzi
and Niccolo Barbadoro. The force accompanying them was composed of
several citizens and a great number of disbanded soldiers then in
Florence: and all assembled according to appointment in the piazza of
San Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni Guicciardini, though each had
assembled a large number of men, kept in their houses; and therefore
Rinaldo sent a messenger to request their attendance and to reprove
their delay. Giovanni replied, that he should lend sufficient aid
against their enemies, if by remaining at home he could prevent his
brother Piero from going to the defense of the palace. After many
messages Palla came to San Pulinari on horseback, accompanied by two
of his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo, on meeting him, sharply
reproved him for his negligence, declaring that his refusal to come with
the others arose either from defect of principle or want of courage;
both of which charges should be avoided by all who wished to preserve
such a character as he had hitherto possessed; and that if he thought
this abominable conduct to his party would induce their enemies when
victorious to spare him from death or exile, he deceived himself; but
for himself (Rinaldo) whatever might happen, he had the consolation of
knowing, that previously to the crisis he had never neglected his
duty in council, and that when it occurred he had used every possible
exertion to repel it with arms; but that Palla and the others would
experience aggravated remorse when they considered they had upon three
occasions betrayed their country; first when they saved Cosmo; next when
they disregarded his advice; and now the third time by not coming armed
in her defense according to their engagement. To these reproaches Palla
made no reply audible to those around, but, muttering something as he
left them, returned to his house.

The Signory, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken arms, finding
themselves abandoned, caused the palace to be shut up, and having no
one to consult they knew not what course to adopt. However, Rinaldo,
by delaying his coming to the piazza, having waited in expectation of
forces which did not join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gave
them courage to provide for their defense, and allowed many others
to join them, who advised that means should be used to induce their
adversaries to lay down their arms. Thereupon, some of the least
suspected, went on the part of the Signory to Rinaldo, and said,
they did not know what occasion they had given his friends for thus
assembling in arms; that they never had any intention of offending him,
and if they had spoken of Cosmo, they had no design of recalling him; so
if their fears were thus occasioned they might at once be dispelled, for
that if they came to the palace they would be graciously received, and
all their complaints attended to. These words produced no change in
Rinaldo's purpose; he bade them provide for their safety by resigning
their offices, and said that then the government of the city would be
reorganized, for the mutual benefit of all.

It rarely happens, where authorities are equal and opinions contrary,
that any good resolution is adopted. Ridolfo Peruzzi, moved by the
discourse of the citizens, said, that all he desired was to prevent
the return of Cosmo, and this being granted to them seemed a sufficient
victory; nor would he, to obtain a greater, fill the city with blood; he
would therefore obey the Signory; and accordingly went with his people
to the palace, where he was received with a hearty welcome. Thus
Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palla's want of courage, and Ridolfo's
desertion, deprived their party of all chance of success; while
the ardor of the citizens abated, and the pope's authority did not
contribute to its revival.

Pope Eugenius was at this time at Florence, having been driven from Rome
by the people. These disturbances coming to his knowledge, he thought
it a duty suitable to his pastoral office to appease them, and sent
the patriarch Giovanni Vitelleschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, to
entreat the latter to come to an interview with him, as he trusted
he had sufficient influence with the Signory to insure his safety
and satisfaction, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By his
friend's persuasion, Rinaldo proceeded with all his followers to Santa
Maria Nuova, where the pope resided. Eugenius gave him to understand,
that the Signory had empowered him to settle the differences between
them, and that all would be arranged to his satisfaction, if he laid
down his arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed Palla's want of zeal, and the
fickleness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no better course being open to him,
placed himself in the pope's hands, thinking that at all events the
authority of his holiness would insure his safety. Eugenius then sent
word to Niccolo Barbadoro, and the rest who remained without, that they
were to lay down their arms, for Rinaldo was remaining with the
pontiff, to arrange terms of agreement with the signors; upon which they
immediately dispersed, and laid aside their weapons.

The Signory, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued to negotiate
an arrangement by means of the pope; but at the same time sent secretly
to the mountains of Pistoia for infantry, which, with what other forces
they could collect, were brought into Florence by night. Having taken
possession of all the strong positions in the city, they assembled the
people in the piazza and created a new balia, which, without delay,
restored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with him to their country;
and banished, of the opposite party, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo
Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro, and Palla Strozzi, with so many other
citizens, that there were few places in Italy which did not contain
some, and many others beyond her limits were full of them. By this and
similar occurrences, Florence was deprived of men of worth, and of much
wealth and industry.

The pope, seeing such misfortunes befall those who by his entreaties
were induced to lay down their arms, was greatly dissatisfied, and
condoled with Rinaldo on the injuries he had received through his
confidence in him, but advised him to be patient, and hope for some
favorable turn of fortune. Rinaldo replied, "The want of confidence in
those who ought to have trusted me, and the great trust I have reposed
in you, have ruined both me and my party. But I blame myself principally
for having thought that you, who were expelled from your own country,
could preserve me in mine. I have had sufficient experience of the
freaks of fortune; and as I have never trusted greatly to prosperity, I
shall suffer less inconvenience from adversity; and I know that when she
pleases she can become more favorable. But if she should never change, I
shall not be very desirous of living in a city in which individuals
are more powerful than the laws; for that country alone is desirable in
which property and friends may be safely enjoyed, not one where they may
easily be taken from us, and where friends, from fear of losing their
property, are compelled to abandon each other in their greatest need.
Besides, it has always been less painful to good men to hear of the
misfortunes of their country than to witness them; and an honorable
exile is always held in greater esteem than slavery at home." He then
left the pope, and, full of indignation, blaming himself, his own
measures, and the coldness of his friends, went into exile.

Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall, returned to
Florence; and it has seldom occurred that any citizen, coming home
triumphant from victory, was received by so vast a concourse of people,
or such unqualified demonstrations of regard as he was upon his
return from banishment; for by universal consent he was hailed as the
benefactor of the people, and the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.




BOOK V



CHAPTER I

The vicissitudes of empires--The state of Italy--The military factions
of Sforza and Braccio--The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi attack the
pope, who is expelled by the Romans--War between the pope and the duke
of Milan--The Florentines and the Venetians assist the pope--Peace
between the pope and the duke of Milan--Tyranny practiced by the party
favorable to the Medici.

It may be observed, that provinces amid the vicissitudes to which they
are subject, pass from order into confusion, and afterward recur to a
state of order again; for the nature of mundane affairs not allowing
them to continue in an even course, when they have arrived at their
greatest perfection, they soon begin to decline. In the same manner,
having been reduced by disorder, and sunk to their utmost state of
depression, unable to descend lower, they, of necessity, reascend;
and thus from good they gradually decline to evil, and from evil again
return to good. The reason is, that valor produces peace; peace, repose;
repose, disorder; disorder, ruin; so from disorder order springs; from
order virtue, and from this, glory and good fortune. Hence, wise men
have observed, that the age of literary excellence is subsequent to that
of distinction in arms; and that in cities and provinces, great warriors
are produced before philosophers. Arms having secured victory, and
victory peace, the buoyant vigor of the martial mind cannot be enfeebled
by a more excusable indulgence than that of letters; nor can indolence,
with any greater or more dangerous deceit, enter a well regulated
community. Cato was aware of this when the philosophers, Diogenes and
Carneades, were sent ambassadors to the senate by the Athenians; for
perceiving with what earnest admiration the Roman youth began to follow
them, and knowing the evils that might result to his country from this
specious idleness, he enacted that no philosopher should be allowed
to enter Rome. Provinces by this means sink to ruin, from which, men's
sufferings having made them wiser, they again recur to order, if they
be not overwhelmed by some extraordinary force. These causes made Italy,
first under the ancient Tuscans, and afterward under the Romans, by
turns happy and unhappy; and although nothing has subsequently arisen
from the ruins of Rome at all corresponding to her ancient greatness
(which under a well-organized monarchy might have been gloriously
effected), still there was so much bravery and intelligence in some of
the new cities and governments that afterward sprang up, that although
none ever acquired dominion over the rest, they were, nevertheless, so
balanced and regulated among themselves, as to enable them to live in
freedom, and defend their country from the barbarians.

Among these governments, the Florentines, although they possessed a
smaller extent of territory, were not inferior to any in power and
authority; for being situated in the middle of Italy, wealthy, and
prepared for action, they either defended themselves against such as
thought proper to assail them, or decided victory in favor of those
to whom they became allies. From the valor, therefore, of these new
governments, if no seasons occurred of long-continued peace, neither
were any exposed to the calamities of war; for that cannot be called
peace in which states frequently assail each other with arms, nor can
those be considered wars in which no men are slain, cities plundered,
or sovereignties overthrown; for the practice of arms fell into such a
state of decay, that wars were commenced without fear, continued without
danger, and concluded without loss. Thus the military energy which is
in other countries exhausted by a long peace, was wasted in Italy by
the contemptible manner in which hostilities were carried on, as will be
clearly seen in the events to be described from 1434 to 1494, from which
it will appear how the barbarians were again admitted into Italy, and
she again sunk under subjection to them. Although the transactions of
our princes at home and abroad will not be viewed with admiration of
their virtue and greatness like those of the ancients, perhaps they may
on other accounts be regarded with no less interest, seeing what
masses of high spirited people were kept in restraint by such weak and
disorderly forces. And if, in detailing the events which took place
in this wasted world, we shall not have to record the bravery of the
soldier, the prudence of the general, or the patriotism of the citizen,
it will be seen with what artifice, deceit, and cunning, princes,
warriors, and leaders of republics conducted themselves, to support a
reputation they never deserved. This, perhaps, will not be less useful
than a knowledge of ancient history; for, if the latter excites the
liberal mind to imitation, the former will show what ought to be avoided
and decried.

Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers, that when, by
consent of her princes, peace was restored, it was soon disturbed by
those who retained their armies, so that glory was not gained by war nor
repose by peace. Thus when the league and the duke of Milan agreed to
lay aside their arms in 1433, the soldiers, resolved upon war, directed
their efforts against the church. There were at this time two factions
or armed parties in Italy, the Sforzesca and the Braccesca. The leader
of the former was the Count Francesco, the son of Sforza, and of the
latter, Niccolo Piccinino and Niccolo Fortebraccio. Under the banner
of one or other of these parties almost all the forces of Italy were
assembled. Of the two, the Sforzesca was in greatest repute, as well
from the bravery of the count himself, as from the promise which the
duke of Milan had made him of his natural daughter, Madonna Bianca, the
prospect of which alliance greatly strengthened his influence. After
the peace of Lombardy, these forces, from various causes attacked Pope
Eugenius. Niccolo Fortebraccio was instigated by the ancient enmity
which Braccio had always entertained against the church; the count was
induced by ambition: so that Niccolo assailed Rome, and the count took
possession of La Marca.

The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Eugenius from their
city: and he, having with difficulty escaped, came to Florence, where
seeing the imminent danger of his situation, being abandoned by the
princes (for they were unwilling again to take up arms in his cause,
after having been so anxious to lay them aside), he came to terms with
the count, and ceded to him the sovereignty of La Marca, although, to
the injury of having occupied it, he had added insult; for in signing
the place, from which he addressed letters to his agents, he said in
Latin, according to the Latin custom, _Ex Girfalco nostro Firmiano,
invito Petro et Paulo_. Neither was he satisfied with this concession,
but insisted upon being appointed Gonfalonier of the church, which was
also granted; so much more was Eugenius alarmed at the prospect of a
dangerous war than of an ignominious peace. The count, having been
thus been reconciled to the pontiff, attacked Niccolo Fortebraccio, and
during many months various encounters took place between them, from
all which greater injury resulted to the pope and his subjects, than to
either of the belligerents. At length, by the intervention of the duke
of Milan, an arrangement, by way of a truce, was made, by which both
became princes in the territories of the church.

The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled in Romagna by Batista
da Canneto, who at Bologna slew some of the family of the Grifoni, and
expelled from the city the governor who resided there for the pope,
along with others who were opposed to him. To enable himself to retain
the government, he applied for assistance to Filippo; and the pope,
to avenge himself for the injury, sought the aid of the Venetians and
Florentines. Both parties obtained assistance, so that very soon two
large armies were on foot in Romagna. Niccolo Piccinino commanded for
the duke, Gattamelata and Niccolo da Tolentino for the Venetians and
Florentines. They met near Imola, where a battle ensued, in which the
Florentines and Venetians were routed, and Niccolo da Tolentino was sent
prisoner to Milan where, either through grief for his loss or by some
unfair means, he died in a few days.

The duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the late wars, or
thinking the League after their defeat would not be in haste to resume
hostilities, did not pursue his good fortune, and thus gave the pope and
his colleagues time to recover themselves. They therefore appointed
the Count Francesco for their leader, and undertook to drive Niccolo
Fortebraccio from the territories of the church, and thus terminate
the war which had been commenced in favor of the pontiff. The Romans,
finding the pope supported by so large an army, sought a reconciliation
with him, and being successful, admitted his commissary into the
city. Among the places possessed by Niccolo Fortebraccio, were Tivoli,
Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and Ascesi, to the last of which, not
being able to keep the field, he fled, and the count besieged him there.
Niccolo's brave defense making it probable that the war would be of
considerable duration, the duke deemed to necessary to prevent the
League from obtaining the victory, and said that if this were not
effected he would very soon have to look at the defense of his own
territories. Resolving to divert the count from the siege, he commanded
Niccolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way of Romagna; and the
League, thinking it more important to defend Tuscany than to occupy
Ascesi, ordered the count to prevent the passage of Niccolo, who was
already, with his army, at Furli. The count accordingly moved with his
forces, and came to Cesena, having left the war of La Marca and the care
of his own territories to his brother Lione; and while Niccolo Piccinino
was endeavoring to pass by, and the count to prevent him, Fortebraccio
attacked Lione with great bravery, made him prisoner, routed his forces,
and pursuing the advantage of his victory, at once possessed himself of
many places in La Marca. This circumstance greatly perplexed the count,
who thought he had lost all his territories; so, leaving part of his
force to check Piccinino, with the remainder he pursued Fortebraccio,
whom he attacked and conquered. Fortebraccio was taken prisoner in the
battle, and soon after died of his wounds. This victory restored to the
pontiff all the places that had been taken from him by Fortebraccio, and
compelled the duke of Milan to sue for peace, which was concluded by the
intercession of Niccolo da Esta, marquis of Ferrara; the duke restoring
to the church the places he had taken from her, and his forces retiring
into Lombardy. Batista da Canneto, as in the case with all who retain
authority only by the consent and forces of another, when the duke's
people had quitted Romagna, unable with his own power to keep possession
of Bologna, fled, and Antonio Bentivogli, the head of the opposite
party, returned to his country.

All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose return,
those who had restored him, and a great number of persons injured by the
opposite party, resolved at all events to make themselves sure of the
government; and the Signory for the months of November and December, not
content with what their predecessors had done in favor of their party
extended the term and changed the residences of several who were
banished, and increased the number of exiles. In addition to these
evils, it was observed that citizens were more annoyed on account of
their wealth, their family connections or private animosities, than
for the sake of the party to which they adhered, so that if these
prescriptions had been accompanied with bloodshed, they would have
resembled those of Octavius and Sylla, though in reality they were not
without some stains; for Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni was beheaded, and
four other citizens, among whom were Zanobi dei Belfratelli and Cosmo
Barbadori, passing the confines to which they were limited, proceeded to
Venice, where the Venetians, valuing the friendship of Cosmo de' Medici
more than their own honor, sent them prisoners to him, and they were
basely put to death. This circumstance greatly increased the influence
of that party, and struck their enemies with terror, finding that such
a powerful republic would so humble itself to the Florentines. This,
however, was supposed to have been done, not so much out of kindness to
Cosmo, as to excite dissensions in Florence, and by means of bloodshed
make greater certainty of division among the citizens, for the Venetians
knew there was no other obstacle to their ambition so great as the union
of her people.

The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies of the
state, those in possession of the government now began to strengthen
their party by conferring benefits upon such as were in a condition
to serve them, and the family of the Alberti, with all who had been
banished by the former government, were recalled. All the nobility,
with few exceptions, were reduced to the ranks of the people, and the
possessions of the exiles were divided among themselves, upon each
paying a small acknowledgment. They then fortified themselves with new
laws and provisos, made new Squittini, withdrawing the names of their
adversaries from the purses, and filling them with those of their
friends. Taking advice from the ruin of their enemies, they considered
that to allow the great offices to be filled by mere chance of drawing,
did not afford the government sufficient security, they therefore
resolved that the magistrates possessing the power of life and death
should always be chosen from among the leaders of their own party,
and therefore that the _Accoppiatori_, or persons selected for the
imborsation of the new Squittini, with the Signory who had to retire
from office, should make the new appointments. They gave to eight of the
guard authority to proceed capitally, and provided that the exiles, when
their term of banishment was complete, should not be allowed to return,
unless from the Signory and Colleagues, which were thirty-seven in
number, the consent of thirty-four was obtained. It was made unlawful
to write to or to receive letters from them; every word, sign, or action
that gave offense to the ruling party was punished with the utmost
rigor; and if there was still in Florence any suspected person whom
these regulations did not reach, he was oppressed with taxes imposed for
the occasion. Thus in a short time, having expelled or impoverished the
whole of the adverse party, they established themselves firmly in the
government. Not to be destitute of external assistance, and to deprive
others of it, who might use it against themselves, they entered into a
league, offensive and defensive, with the pope, the Venetians, and the
duke of Milan.