The Private Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Complete

C >> Constant >> The Private Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Complete


I do not know but I should ask pardon for relating so trivial an event,
when so many great measures were being adopted by his Majesty. In fact,
each day necessitated new dispositions, since the enemy was making
progress at every point. The Russians occupied Holland under the command
of General Witzengerode, who had opposed us so bitterly during the
Russian campaign; already, even, the early return to Amsterdam of the
heir of the House of Orange was discussed; in Italy Prince Eugene was
holding out only by dint of superior skill against the far more numerous
army of Bellegarde, who had just passed the Adige; that of the Prince
von Swarzenberg occupied the confines of Switzerland; the Prussians and
the troops of the Confederation were passing the Rhine at several points.
There remained to the Emperor not a single ally, as the King of Denmark,
the only one who had until now remained faithful, had succumbed to the
northern torrent, and concluded an armistice with Russia; and in the
south all the strategy of Marshal Soult barely sufficed to delay the
progress of the Duke of Wellington, who was advancing on our frontiers at
the head of an army far more numerous than that with which we could
oppose him, and which, moreover, was not suffering from the same
privations as our own. I remember well to have heard several generals
blame the Emperor at that time, because he had not abandoned Spain, and
recalled all his troops to France. I make a note of this, but, as may
well be believed, am not willing to risk my judgment on such matters.
At all events, it is evident that war surrounded us on every side; and in
this state of affairs, and with our ancient frontiers threatened, it
would have been strange if there had not been a general cry for peace.
The Emperor desired it also; and no one now holds a contrary opinion.
All the works which I have read, written by those persons best situated
to learn the exact truth of these events, agree on this point. It is
known that his Majesty had dictated to the Duke of Bassano a letter in
which he adhered to the basis of the proposal for a new congress made at
Frankfort by the allies. It is also known that the city of Mannheim was
designated for the session of this new congress, to which the Duke of
Vicenza was to be sent. The latter, in a note of the 2d of December,
made known again the adhesion of the Emperor to the original principles
and summary to be submitted to the Congress of Mannheim. The Count de
Metternich, on the 10th, replied to this communication that the
sovereigns would inform their allies of his Majesty's adhesion. All
these negotiations were prolonged only on account of the allies, who
finally declared at Frankfort that they would not consent to lay down
their arms. On the 20th of December they openly announced their
intention to invade France by passing through Switzerland, whose
neutrality had been solemnly recognized by treaty. At the period of
which I speak, my position kept me, I must admit, in complete ignorance
of these affairs; but, on learning them since, they have awakened in me
other remembrances which have powerfully contributed to prove their
truth. Every one, I hope, will admit that if the Emperor had really
desired war, it is not before me he would have taken the trouble to
express his desire for the conclusion of peace, as I heard him do several
times; and this by no means falsifies what I have related of a reply
given by his Majesty to the Prince of Neuchatel, since in this reply he
attributes the necessity of war to the bad faith of his enemies. Neither
the immense renown of the Emperor nor his glory needs any support from
me, and I am not deluding myself on this point; but I ask to be allowed
like any other man to give my mite of the truth.

I have said previously, that when passing through Mayence the Emperor had
convened the Corps Legislatif for the 2d of December; but by a new decree
it was postponed until the 19th of that month, and this annual solemnity
was marked by the introduction of unaccustomed usages. In the first
place, as I have said, to the Emperor alone was given the right of naming
the president without the presentation of a triple list, as was done in
former times by the senate; moreover, the senate and the council of state
repaired in a body to the hall of the Corps Legislatif to be present at
the opening of the session. I also remember that this ceremony was
anticipated with more than usual interest; since throughout Paris all
were curious and eager to hear the address of the Emperor, and what he
would say on the situation of France. Alas, we were far from supposing
that this annual ceremony would be the last.

The senate and the council of state, having taken the places indicated to
them in the hall, the Empress, arrived, and entered the reserved gallery,
surrounded by her ladies and the officers of her household. At last the
Emperor appeared, a quarter of an hour after the Empress, and was
introduced with the accustomed ceremonials. When the new president, the
Duke of Massa, had taken the oath at the hands of the Emperor, his
Majesty pronounced the following discourse:

"Senators; Councilors of State; Deputies from the Departments to the
Corps Legislatif:

Brilliant victories have made the French arms illustrious in this
campaign, but unexampled defections have rendered these victories
useless. Everything has turned against us. Even France would be
in danger were it not for the energy and union of the French people.

Under these momentous circumstances my first thought was to summon
you. My heart felt the need of the presence and affection of my
subjects.

I have never been seduced by prosperity; adversity will find me
above the reach of its attacks. I have many times given peace to
nations, even when they had lost all. On a part of my conquests I
have erected thrones for kings who have now abandoned me.

I have conceived and executed great plans for the happiness of the
world. Both as a monarch and a father I feel that peace adds to the
security of thrones and of families. Negotiations have been entered
into with the Confederated Powers. I have adhered to the
fundamental principles which they have presented. I then hoped
that, before the opening of this session, the Congress of Mannheim
would have assembled; but renewed delays, which cannot be attributed
to France, have deferred this moment, which the whole world so
eagerly desires.

I have ordered that all the original articles contained in the
portfolio of Foreign Affairs should be submitted to you. You will
be informed of them through a committee. The spokesmen of my
Council will inform you of my wishes on this subject.

Nothing has been interposed on my part to the re-establishment of
peace; I know and share the sentiments of the French people. I
repeat, of the French people, since there are none among them who
desire peace at the expense of honor. It is with regret that I
demand of this generous people new sacrifices, but they are
necessary for their noblest and dearest interests. I have been
compelled to re-enforce my armies by numerous levies, for nations
treat with security only when they display all their strength. An
increase of receipts has become indispensable. The propositions
which my minister of finance will submit to you are in conformity
with the system of finance I have established. We will meet all
demands without borrowing, which uses up the resources of the
future, and without paper money, which is the greatest enemy of
social order.

I am well satisfied with the sentiments manifested towards me under
these circumstances by my people of Italy.

Denmark, and Naples alone remain faithful to their alliance. The
Republic of the United States of America successfully continues its
war with England. I have recognized the neutrality of the nineteen
Swiss cantons.

Senators; Councillors of State; Deputies of the Departments in the
Corps Legislatif:

You are the natural organs of the throne. It is your province to
display an energy which will hold our country up to the admiration
of all future generations. Let it not be said of us: 'They
sacrificed the first interests of their country; they submitted to
the control which England has sought in vain for four centuries to
impose on France.'

"My people need not fear that the policy of their Emperor will ever
betray the glory of the nation; and on my part I have the conviction
that the French people will ever prove worthy of themselves and of
me."


This address was received with unanimous shouts of "Vive l'Empereur;"
and, when his Majesty returned to the. Tuileries, he had an air of
intense satisfaction, although he had a slight headache, which
disappeared after half an hour's repose. In the evening it was entirely
gone, and the Emperor questioned me on what I had heard people say. I
told, him truthfully that the persons of my acquaintance unanimously
agreed that the desire for peace was universal. "Peace, peace!" said
the Emperor, "who can desire it more than I? Go, my son, go." I
withdrew, and his Majesty went to the Empress.

It was about this time, I do not remember the exact day, that the Emperor
gave a decision on a matter in which I had interested myself with him;
and I affirm that it will be seen from this decision what a profound
respect his Majesty had for the rights of a legitimate marriage, and his
excessive antipathy to divorced persons. But, in order to support this
assertion, I will give an anecdote which recurs to my memory at this
moment.

During the Russian campaign General Dupont-Derval was slain on the
battlefield, fighting valiantly. His widow, after his Majesty's return
to Paris, had often, but always in vain, endeavored to present a petition
to his Majesty describing her unfortunate condition. At length some one
advised her to secure my services; and, touched by her unhappiness, I
presented her demand to the Emperor. His Majesty but rarely refused my
solicitations of this kind, as I conducted them with the utmost
discretion; and consequently I was fortunate enough to obtain for Madame
Dupont-Derval a very considerable pension. I do not remember how the
Emperor discovered that General Dupont-Derval had been divorced, and had
left a daughter by a former marriage, who, as well as her mother, was
still living. He learned besides that General Dupont-Derval's second
wife was the widow of a general officer by whom she had two daughters.
None of these circumstances, as may be imagined, had been cited in the
petition; but, when they came to the Emperor's knowledge, he did not
withdraw the pension, for which the order had not yet been given, but
simply changed its destination, and gave it to the first wife of--General
Dupont-Derval, making it revertible to her daughter, though she was
sufficiently wealthy not to need it, and the other Madame Dupont-Derval
was in actual need. Meanwhile, as one is always pleased to be the bearer
of good tidings, I had lost no time in informing my petitioner of the
Emperor's favorable decision. When she learned what had taken place, of
which I was still in entire ignorance, she returned to me, and from what
she said I imagined she was the victim of some mistake. In this belief I
took the liberty of again speaking to his Majesty on the subject, and my
astonishment may be imagined when his Majesty himself condescended to
relate to me the whole affair. Then he added: "My poor child, you have
allowed yourself to be taken for a simpleton. I promised a pension, and
I gave it to the wife of General Derval, that is to say, to his real
wife, the mother of his daughter." The Emperor was not at all angry with
me. I know very well that the matter would not have been permitted to
continue thus without my interesting myself further in it; but events
followed each other in rapid succession until the abdication of his
Majesty, and the affair finally remained as thus settled.




CHAPTER XX.

It was not only by force of arms that the enemies of France endeavored at
the end of 1813 to overthrow the power of the Emperor. In spite of our
defeats the Emperor's name still inspired a salutary terror; and it was
apparent that although so numerous, the foreigners still despaired of
victory as long as there existed a common accord between the Emperor and
the French people. We have seen in the preceding chapter in what
language he expressed himself to the great united bodies of the state,
and events have proved whether his Majesty concealed the truth from the
representatives of the nation as to the real condition of France. To
this discourse which history has recorded, I may be allowed to oppose
here another made at the same period. This is the famous declaration of
Frankfort, copies of which the enemies of the Emperor caused to be
circulated in Paris; and I would not dare to wager that persons of his
court, while performing their duties near him, did not have a copy in
their pockets. If there still remains any doubt as to which party was
acting in good faith, the reading of what follows is sufficient to dispel
these; for there is no question here of political considerations, but
simply the comparison of solemn promises with the actions which
succeeded.

"The French government has just ordered a new levy of three hundred
thousand men; the proclamations of the senate contain a challenge to
the allied powers. They find themselves called on again to
promulgate to the world the views by which they are guided in this
present war, the principles which form the basis of their conduct,
their wishes, and their intentions. The allied powers are not
making war on France, but on the openly admitted preponderance
which, to the great misfortune of Europe and France, the Emperor
Napoleon has too long maintained outside the limits of his Empire.

Victory has brought the allied armies to the Rhine. The first use
their imperial and royal Majesties have made of victory has been to
offer peace to his Majesty the Emperor of the French. A position
reenforced by the accession of all the sovereigns and princes of
Germany has had no influence on the conditions of this peace, for
these conditions are founded on the independence of the other states
of Europe. The objects of these powers are just in their aims,
generous and liberal in their application, reassuring to all, and
honorable to each.

The allied sovereigns desire that France should be great, strong,
and happy, since its greatness and power is one of the foundations
of the social edifice. They desire that France should be happy,
that French commerce should revive, that the arts, those blessings
of peace, should flourish, because a great people are tranquil only
when satisfied. The powers confirm the French Empire in the
possession of an extent of territory which France has never attained
under her kings, since a generous nation should not be punished
because it has experienced reverses in a bloody and well-contested
struggle in which it has fought with its accustomed bravery.

But the powers themselves also wish to be happy and peaceful. They
desire a condition of peace which, by a wise partition of force, by
a just equilibrium, may hereafter preserve their people from the
innumerable calamities which have for twenty years overwhelmed
Europe.

"The allied powers will not lay down their arms until they have
obtained this grand and beneficent result, the worthy object of all
their efforts. They will not lay down their arms until the
political condition of Europe is again secure; until immutable
principles have regained their ascendency over new pretensions, and
the sanctity of treaties has finally assured a genuine peace to
Europe."


It needs only common sense to ascertain whether the allied powers were
sincere in this declaration, the object of which evidently was to
alienate from the Emperor the affections of his people by holding up his
Majesty before them as an obstacle to peace, and separating his cause
from that of France; and on this point I am glad to support my own
opinion by that of M. de Bourrienne, whom surely no one will accuse of
partiality for his Majesty.

Several passages of his Memoirs, above all those in which he blames the
Emperor, have pained me, I must confess; but on this occasion he does not
hesitate to admit the insincerity of the allies, which opinion is of much
weight according to my poor judgment.

M. de Bourrienne was then at Paris under the special surveillance of the
Duke of Rovigo. I frequently heard this minister mention him to the
Emperor, and always favorably; but the enemies of the former secretary of
the First Consul must have been very powerful, or his Majesty's
prejudices very strong, for M. de Bourrienne never returned to favor.
The Emperor, who, as I have said, sometimes condescended to converse
familiarly with me, never spoke to me of M. de Bourrienne, whom I had not
seen since the Emperor had ceased to receive him. I saw him again for
the first time among the officers of the National Guard, the day these
gentlemen were received at the palace, as we shall see later, and I have
never seen him since; but as we were all much attached to him on account
of his kind consideration for us, he was often the subject of
conversation, and, I may add, of our regrets. Moreover, I was long
ignorant that at the period of which I am now speaking, his Majesty had
offered him the mission to Switzerland, as I learned this circumstance
only from reading his Memoirs. I would not conceal, however, that I was
painfully affected by reading this, so greatly would I have desired that
Bourrienne should overcome his resentment against his Majesty, who in the
depths of his heart really loved him.

Whatever was done, it is evident now to all that the object of the
declaration of Frankfort was to cause alienation between the Emperor and
the French people, and subsequent events have shown that this was fully
understood by the Emperor, but unfortunately it was soon seen that the
enemy had partly obtained their object. Not only in private society
persons could be heard expressing themselves freely in condemnation of
the Emperor, but dissensions openly arose even in the body of the Corps
Legislatif.

After the opening session, the Emperor having rendered a decree that a
commission should be named composed of five senators and five members of
the Corps Legislatif, these two bodies consequently assembled. This
commission, as has been seen from his Majesty's address, had for its
object the consideration of articles submitted relative to pending
negotiations between France and the allied powers. Count Regnault de
Saint Jean d'Angely bore the decree to the Corps Legislatif, and
supported it with his usual persuasive eloquence, recalling the victories
of France and the glory of the Emperor; but the ballot elected as members
of the commission five deputies who had the reputation of being more
devoted to the principles of liberty than to the Emperor. These were M.
Raynouard, Laine, Gallois, Flaugergues, and Maine de Biran. The Emperor
from the first moment appeared much dissatisfied with this selection, not
imagining, however, that this commission would soon show itself so
entirely hostile. I remember well that I heard his Majesty say in my
presence to the Prince of Neuchatel, with some exasperation though
without anger, "They have appointed five lawyers."

Nevertheless, the Emperor did not allow the least symptoms of his
dissatisfaction to be seen; and as soon as he had officially received the
list of commissioners, addressed to the President of the Corps Legislatif
the following letter bearing the date of the 23d of December:

"MONSIEUR, Duke of Massa, President of the Legislative Corps:
We address you the inclosed letter to make known to you our
intention that you report to-morrow, the 24th instant, at the
residence of our cousin the prince archchancellor of the Empire, in
company with the commission appointed yesterday by the Legislative
Corps in compliance with our decree of the 20th instant, and which
is composed of the following gentlemen: Raynouard, Lain, Galiois,
Flaugergues, and Maine de Biran, for the purpose of considering the
articles relative to the negotiations, and also the declaration of
the confederated powers, which will be communicated by Count
Regnault minister of state, and Count d'Hauterive councilor of state
attached to the department of foreign relations, who will be the
bearer of the aforesaid articles and declaration.

"Our intention also is that our cousin aforesaid should preside over
this commission. With this etc."

The members of the senate appointed on this commission were M. de
Fontanel, M. the Prince of Benevent, M. de Saint Marsan, M. de
Barbe-Marbois, and M. de Beurnonville.

With the exception of one of these gentlemen, whose disgrace and
consequent opposition were publicly known, the others were thought to be
sincerely attached to the Emperor; and whatever may have been their
opinions and their subsequent conduct they had done nothing then to
deserve the same distrust from the Emperor as the members of the
committee from the Corps Legislatif. No active opposition, no signs of
discontent, had been shown by the conservative senate.

At this time the Duke of Rovigo came frequently, or I might rather say
every day, to the Emperor. His Majesty was much attached to him, and
that alone suffices to prove that he was not afraid to hear the truth;
for since he had been minister, the Duke of Rovigo had never concealed
it; which fact I can affirm, having been frequently an eyewitness. In
Paris there was nevertheless only unanimous opposition to this minister.
I can, however, cite one anecdote that the Duke of Rovigo has not
included in his Memoirs, and of which I guarantee the authenticity; and
it will be seen from this incident whether or not the minister of police
sought to increase the number of persons who compromised themselves each
day by their gratings against the Emperor.

Among the employees of the treasury was a former receiver of the finances
who led a retired and contented life in this modest employment. He was a
very enthusiastic man of much intelligence. His devotion to the Emperor
amounted to a passion, and he never mentioned him without a sort of
idolatry. This employee was accustomed to pass his evenings with a
circle of friends who met in the Rue de Vivienne. The regular attendants
of this place, whom the police very naturally had their eyes upon, did
not all hold the same opinion as the person of whom I have just spoken,
and began openly to condemn the acts of government, the opposing party
allowing their discontent to be plainly manifest; and the faithful adorer
of his Majesty became proportionately more lavish of his expressions of
admiration, as his antagonists showed themselves ready with reproaches.
The Duke of Rovigo was informed of these discussions, which each day
became more eager and animated; and one fine day our honest employee
found on returning to his home a letter bearing the seal of the general
of police. He could not believe his eyes. He, a good, simple, modest
man living his retired life, what could the minister of general police
desire of him? He opens the letter, and finds that the minister orders
him to appear before him the next morning. He reports there as may be
imagined with the utmost punctuality, and then a dialogue something like
this ensued between these gentlemen. "It appears, Monsieur," said the
Duke of Rovigo, "that you are very devoted to the Emperor."--"Yes, I love
him; I would give him my blood, my life."--"You admire him greatly?"--
"Yes, I admire him! The Emperor has never been so great, his glory has
never--"--"That is all very well, Monsieur; your sentiments do you honor,
and I share those sentiments with you; but I urge on you to reserve the
expression of them for yourself, for, though I should regret it very
much, you may drive me to the necessity of having you arrested."--"I, my
Lord, have me arrested? Ah! but doubtless--why?"--"Do you not see that
you cause the expression of opinions that might remain concealed were it
not for your enthusiasm; and finally, you will force, many good men to
compromise themselves to a certain extent, who will return to us when
things are in better condition. Go, Monsieur, let us continue to love,
serve, and admire the Emperor; but at such a time as this let us not
proclaim our fine sentiments so loudly, for fear of rendering many guilty
who are only a little misguided." The employee of the treasury then left
the minister, after thanking him for his advice and promising to follow
it. I would not dare to assert that he kept his word scrupulously, but I
can affirm that all I have just said is the exact truth; and I am sure
that if this passage in my Memoirs falls under the eyes of the Duke of
Rovigo it will remind him of an occurrence which he may perhaps have
forgotten, but which he will readily recall.