The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Complete

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We, here in Illinois, should feel especially proud of the provision of
the Missouri Compromise excluding slavery from what is now Kansas; for an
Illinois man, Jesse B. Thomas, was its father. Henry Clay, who is
credited with the authorship of the Compromise in general terms, did not
even vote for that provision, but only advocated the ultimate admission
by a second compromise; and Thomas was, beyond all controversy, the real
author of the "slavery restriction" branch of the Compromise. To show the
generosity of the Northern members toward the Southern side: on a test
vote to exclude slavery from Missouri, ninety voted not to exclude, and
eighty-seven to exclude, every vote from the slave States being ranged
with the former and fourteen votes from the free States, of whom seven
were from New England alone; while on a vote to exclude slavery from what
is now Kansas, the vote was one hundred and thirty-four for, to forty-two
against. The scheme, as a whole, was, of course, a Southern triumph. It
is idle to contend otherwise, as is now being done by the Nebraskites; it
was so shown by the votes and quite as emphatically by the expressions of
representative men. Mr. Lowndes of South Carolina was never known to
commit a political mistake; his was the great judgment of that section;
and he declared that this measure "would restore tranquillity to the
country--a result demanded by every consideration of discretion, of
moderation, of wisdom, and of virtue." When the measure came before
President Monroe for his approval, he put to each member of his cabinet
this question: "Has Congress the constitutional power to prohibit slavery
in a Territory?" And John C. Calhoun and William H. Crawford from the
South, equally with John Quincy Adams, Benjamin Rush, and Smith Thompson
from the North, alike answered, "Yes!" without qualification or
equivocation; and this measure, of so great consequence to the South, was
passed; and Missouri was, by means of it, finally enabled to knock at the
door of the Republic for an open passage to its brood of slaves. And, in
spite of this, Freedom's share is about to be taken by violence--by the
force of misrepresentative votes, not called for by the popular will.
What name can I, in common decency, give to this wicked transaction?
[Sensation.]

But even then the contest was not over; for when the Missouri
constitution came before Congress for its approval, it forbade any free
negro or mulatto from entering the State. In short, our Illinois "black
laws" were hidden away in their constitution [Laughter], and the
controversy was thus revived. Then it was that Mr. Clay's talents shone
out conspicuously, and the controversy that shook the union to its
foundation was finally settled to the satisfaction of the conservative
parties on both sides of the line, though not to the extremists on
either, and Missouri was admitted by the small majority of six in the
lower House. How great a majority, do you think, would have been given
had Kansas also been secured for slavery? [A voice: "A majority the other
way."] "A majority the other way," is answered. Do you think it would
have been safe for a Northern man to have confronted his constituents
after having voted to consign both Missouri and Kansas to hopeless
slavery? And yet this man Douglas, who misrepresents his constituents and
who has exerted his highest talents in that direction, will be carried in
triumph through the State and hailed with honor while applauding that
act. [Three groans for "Dug!"] And this shows whither we are tending.
This thing of slavery is more powerful than its supporters--even than the
high priests that minister at its altar. It debauches even our greatest
men. It gathers strength, like a rolling snowball, by its own infamy.
Monstrous crimes are committed in its name by persons collectively which
they would not dare to commit as individuals. Its aggressions and
encroachments almost surpass belief. In a despotism, one might not wonder
to see slavery advance steadily and remorselessly into new dominions; but
is it not wonderful, is it not even alarming, to see its steady advance
in a land dedicated to the proposition that "all men are created equal"?
[Sensation.]

It yields nothing itself; it keeps all it has, and gets all it can
besides. It really came dangerously near securing Illinois in 1824; it
did get Missouri in 1821. The first proposition was to admit what is now
Arkansas and Missouri as one slave State. But the territory was divided
and Arkansas came in, without serious question, as a slave State; and
afterwards Missouri, not, as a sort of equality, free, but also as a
slave State. Then we had Florida and Texas; and now Kansas is about to be
forced into the dismal procession. [Sensation.] And so it is wherever you
look. We have not forgotten--it is but six years since--how dangerously
near California came to being a slave State. Texas is a slave State, and
four other slave States may be carved from its vast domain. And yet, in
the year 1829, slavery was abolished throughout that vast region by a
royal decree of the then sovereign of Mexico. Will you please tell me by
what right slavery exists in Texas to-day? By the same right as, and no
higher or greater than, slavery is seeking dominion in Kansas: by
political force--peaceful, if that will suffice; by the torch (as in
Kansas) and the bludgeon (as in the Senate chamber), if required. And so
history repeats itself; and even as slavery has kept its course by craft,
intimidation, and violence in the past, so it will persist, in my
judgment, until met and dominated by the will of a people bent on its
restriction.

We have, this very afternoon, heard bitter denunciations of Brooks in
Washington, and Titus, Stringfellow, Atchison, Jones, and Shannon in
Kansas--the battle-ground of slavery. I certainly am not going to
advocate or shield them; but they and their acts are but the necessary
outcome of the Nebraska law. We should reserve our highest censure for
the authors of the mischief, and not for the catspaws which they use. I
believe it was Shakespeare who said, "Where the offence lies, there let
the axe fall"; and, in my opinion, this man Douglas and the Northern men
in Congress who advocate "Nebraska" are more guilty than a thousand
Joneses and Stringfellows, with all their murderous practices, can be.
[Applause.]

We have made a good beginning here to-day. As our Methodist friends would
say, "I feel it is good to be here." While extremists may find some fault
with the moderation of our platform, they should recollect that "the
battle is not always to the strong, nor the race to the swift." In grave
emergencies, moderation is generally safer than radicalism; and as this
struggle is likely to be long and earnest, we must not, by our action,
repel any who are in sympathy with us in the main, but rather win all
that we can to our standard. We must not belittle nor overlook the facts
of our condition--that we are new and comparatively weak, while our
enemies are entrenched and relatively strong. They have the
administration and the political power; and, right or wrong, at present
they have the numbers. Our friends who urge an appeal to arms with so
much force and eloquence should recollect that the government is arrayed
against us, and that the numbers are now arrayed against us as well; or,
to state it nearer to the truth, they are not yet expressly and
affirmatively for us; and we should repel friends rather than gain them
by anything savoring of revolutionary methods. As it now stands, we must
appeal to the sober sense and patriotism of the people. We will make
converts day by day; we will grow strong by calmness and moderation; we
will grow strong by the violence and injustice of our adversaries. And,
unless truth be a mockery and justice a hollow lie, we will be in the
majority after a while, and then the revolution which we will accomplish
will be none the less radical from being the result of pacific measures.
The battle of freedom is to be fought out on principle. Slavery is a
violation of the eternal right. We have temporized with it from the
necessities of our condition; but as sure as God reigns and school
children read, THAT BLACK FOUL LIE CAN NEVER BE CONSECRATED INTO GOD'S
HALLOWED TRUTH! [Immense applause lasting some time.]

One of our greatest difficulties is, that men who know that slavery is a
detestable crime and ruinous to the nation are compelled, by our peculiar
condition and other circumstances, to advocate it concretely, though
damning it in the raw. Henry Clay was a brilliant example of this
tendency; others of our purest statesmen are compelled to do so; and thus
slavery secures actual support from those who detest it at heart. Yet
Henry Clay perfected and forced through the compromise which secured to
slavery a great State as well as a political advantage. Not that he hated
slavery less, but that he loved the whole Union more. As long as slavery
profited by his great compromise, the hosts of proslavery could not
sufficiently cover him with praise; but now that this compromise stands
in their way--

"....they never mention him,
His name is never heard:
Their lips are now forbid to speak
That once familiar word."

They have slaughtered one of his most cherished measures, and his ghost
would arise to rebuke them. [Great applause.]

Now, let us harmonize, my friends, and appeal to the moderation and
patriotism of the people: to the sober second thought; to the awakened
public conscience. The repeal of the sacred Missouri Compromise has
installed the weapons of violence: the bludgeon, the incendiary torch,
the death-dealing rifle, the bristling cannon--the weapons of kingcraft,
of the inquisition, of ignorance, of barbarism, of oppression. We see its
fruits in the dying bed of the heroic Sumner; in the ruins of the "Free
State" hotel; in the smoking embers of the Herald of Freedom; in the
free-State Governor of Kansas chained to a stake on freedom's soil like a
horse-thief, for the crime of freedom. [Applause.] We see it in Christian
statesmen, and Christian newspapers, and Christian pulpits applauding the
cowardly act of a low bully, WHO CRAWLED UPON HIS VICTIM BEHIND HIS BACK
AND DEALT THE DEADLY BLOW. [Sensation and applause.] We note our
political demoralization in the catch-words that are coming into such
common use; on the one hand, "freedom-shriekers," and sometimes
"freedom-screechers" [Laughter], and, on the other hand,
"border-ruffians," and that fully deserved. And the significance of
catch-words cannot pass unheeded, for they constitute a sign of the
times. Everything in this world "jibes" in with everything else, and all
the fruits of this Nebraska Bill are like the poisoned source from which
they come. I will not say that we may not sooner or later be compelled to
meet force by force; but the time has not yet come, and, if we are true
to ourselves, may never come. Do not mistake that the ballot is stronger
than the bullet. Therefore let the legions of slavery use bullets; but
let us wait patiently till November and fire ballots at them in return;
and by that peaceful policy I believe we shall ultimately win.
[Applause.]

It was by that policy that here in Illinois the early fathers fought the
good fight and gained the victory. In 1824 the free men of our State, led
by Governor Coles (who was a native of Maryland and President Madison's
private secretary), determined that those beautiful groves should never
re-echo the dirge of one who has no title to himself. By their resolute
determination, the winds that sweep across our broad prairies shall never
cool the parched brow, nor shall the unfettered streams that bring joy
and gladness to our free soil water the tired feet, of a slave; but so
long as those heavenly breezes and sparkling streams bless the land, or
the groves and their fragrance or memory remain, the humanity to which
they minister SHALL BE FOREVER FREE! [Great applause] Palmer, Yates,
Williams, Browning, and some more in this convention came from Kentucky
to Illinois (instead of going to Missouri), not only to better their
conditions, but also to get away from slavery. They have said so to me,
and it is understood among us Kentuckians that we don't like it one bit.
Now, can we, mindful of the blessings of liberty which the early men of
Illinois left to us, refuse a like privilege to the free men who seek to
plant Freedom's banner on our Western outposts? ["No!" "No!"] Should we
not stand by our neighbors who seek to better their conditions in Kansas
and Nebraska? ["Yes!" "Yes!"] Can we as Christian men, and strong and
free ourselves, wield the sledge or hold the iron which is to manacle
anew an already oppressed race? ["No!" "No!"] "Woe unto them," it is
written, "that decree unrighteous decrees and that write grievousness
which they have prescribed." Can we afford to sin any more deeply against
human liberty? ["No!" "No!"]

One great trouble in the matter is, that slavery is an insidious and
crafty power, and gains equally by open violence of the brutal as well as
by sly management of the peaceful. Even after the Ordinance of 1787, the
settlers in Indiana and Illinois (it was all one government then) tried
to get Congress to allow slavery temporarily, and petitions to that end
were sent from Kaskaskia, and General Harrison, the Governor, urged it
from Vincennes, the capital. If that had succeeded, good-bye to liberty
here. But John Randolph of Virginia made a vigorous report against it;
and although they persevered so well as to get three favorable reports
for it, yet the United States Senate, with the aid of some slave States,
finally squelched if for good. [Applause.] And that is why this hall is
to-day a temple for free men instead of a negro livery-stable. [Great
applause and laughter.] Once let slavery get planted in a locality, by
ever so weak or doubtful a title, and in ever so small numbers, and it is
like the Canada thistle or Bermuda grass--you can't root it out. You
yourself may detest slavery; but your neighbor has five or six slaves,
and he is an excellent neighbor, or your son has married his daughter,
and they beg you to help save their property, and you vote against your
interests and principle to accommodate a neighbor, hoping that your vote
will be on the losing side. And others do the same; and in those ways
slavery gets a sure foothold. And when that is done the whole mighty
Union--the force of the nation--is committed to its support. And that
very process is working in Kansas to-day. And you must recollect that the
slave property is worth a billion of dollars; while free-State men must
work for sentiment alone. Then there are "blue lodges"--as they call
them--everywhere doing their secret and deadly work.

It is a very strange thing, and not solvable by any moral law that I know
of, that if a man loses his horse, the whole country will turn out to
help hang the thief; but if a man but a shade or two darker than I am is
himself stolen, the same crowd will hang one who aids in restoring him to
liberty. Such are the inconsistencies of slavery, where a horse is more
sacred than a man; and the essence of squatter or popular sovereignty--I
don't care how you call it--is that if one man chooses to make a slave of
another, no third man shall be allowed to object. And if you can do this
in free Kansas, and it is allowed to stand, the next thing you will see
is shiploads of negroes from Africa at the wharf at Charleston, for one
thing is as truly lawful as the other; and these are the bastard notions
we have got to stamp out, else they will stamp us out. [Sensation and
applause.]

Two years ago, at Springfield, Judge Douglas avowed that Illinois came
into the Union as a slave State, and that slavery was weeded out by the
operation of his great, patent, everlasting principle of "popular
sovereignty." [Laughter.] Well, now, that argument must be answered, for
it has a little grain of truth at the bottom. I do not mean that it is
true in essence, as he would have us believe. It could not be essentially
true if the Ordinance of '87 was valid. But, in point of fact, there were
some degraded beings called slaves in Kaskaskia and the other French
settlements when our first State constitution was adopted; that is a
fact, and I don't deny it. Slaves were brought here as early as 1720, and
were kept here in spite of the Ordinance of 1787 against it. But slavery
did not thrive here. On the contrary, under the influence of the
ordinance the number decreased fifty-one from 1810 to 1820; while under
the influence of squatter sovereignty, right across the river in
Missouri, they increased seven thousand two hundred and eleven in the
same time; and slavery finally faded out in Illinois, under the influence
of the law of freedom, while it grew stronger and stronger in Missouri,
under the law or practice of "popular sovereignty." In point of fact
there were but one hundred and seventeen slaves in Illinois one year
after its admission, or one to every four hundred and seventy of its
population; or, to state it in another way, if Illinois was a slave State
in 1820, so were New York and New Jersey much greater slave States from
having had greater numbers, slavery having been established there in very
early times. But there is this vital difference between all these States
and the Judge's Kansas experiment: that they sought to disestablish
slavery which had been already established, while the Judge seeks, so far
as he can, to disestablish freedom, which had been established there by
the Missouri Compromise. [Voices: "Good!"]

The Union is under-going a fearful strain; but it is a stout old ship,
and has weathered many a hard blow, and "the stars in their courses,"
aye, an invisible Power, greater than the puny efforts of men, will fight
for us. But we ourselves must not decline the burden of responsibility,
nor take counsel of unworthy passions. Whatever duty urges us to do or to
omit must be done or omitted; and the recklessness with which our
adversaries break the laws, or counsel their violation, should afford no
example for us. Therefore, let us revere the Declaration of Independence;
let us continue to obey the Constitution and the laws; let us keep step
to the music of the Union. Let us draw a cordon, so to speak, around the
slave States, and the hateful institution, like a reptile poisoning
itself, will perish by its own infamy. [Applause.]

But we cannot be free men if this is, by our national choice, to be a
land of slavery. Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for
themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain
it.[Loud applause.]

Did you ever, my friends, seriously reflect upon the speed with which we
are tending downwards? Within the memory of men now present the leading
statesman of Virginia could make genuine, red-hot abolitionist speeches
in old Virginia! and, as I have said, now even in "free Kansas" it is a
crime to declare that it is "free Kansas." The very sentiments that I and
others have just uttered would entitle us, and each of us, to the
ignominy and seclusion of a dungeon; and yet I suppose that, like Paul,
we were "free born." But if this thing is allowed to continue, it will be
but one step further to impress the same rule in Illinois. [Sensation.]

The conclusion of all is, that we must restore the Missouri Compromise.
We must highly resolve that Kansas must be free! [Great applause.] We
must reinstate the birthday promise of the Republic; we must reaffirm the
Declaration of Independence; we must make good in essence as well as in
form Madison's avowal that "the word slave ought not to appear in the
Constitution"; and we must even go further, and decree that only local
law, and not that time-honored instrument, shall shelter a slaveholder.
We must make this a land of liberty in fact, as it is in name. But in
seeking to attain these results--so indispensable if the liberty which is
our pride and boast shall endure--we will be loyal to the Constitution
and to the "flag of our Union," and no matter what our grievance--even
though Kansas shall come in as a slave State; and no matter what
theirs--even if we shall restore the compromise--WE WILL SAY TO THE
SOUTHERN DISUNIONISTS, WE WON'T GO OUT OF THE UNION, AND YOU SHAN'T!

[This was the climax; the audience rose to its feet en masse, applauded,
stamped, waved handkerchiefs, threw hats in the air, and ran riot for
several minutes. The arch-enchanter who wrought this transformation
looked, meanwhile, like the personification of political justice.]

But let us, meanwhile, appeal to the sense and patriotism of the people,
and not to their prejudices; let us spread the floods of enthusiasm here
aroused all over these vast prairies, so suggestive of freedom. Let us
commence by electing the gallant soldier Governor (Colonel) Bissell who
stood for the honor of our State alike on the plains and amidst the
chaparral of Mexico and on the floor of Congress, while he defied the
Southern Hotspur; and that will have a greater moral effect than all the
border ruffians can accomplish in all their raids on Kansas. There is
both a power and a magic in popular opinion. To that let us now appeal;
and while, in all probability, no resort to force will be needed, our
moderation and forbearance will stand US in good stead when, if ever, WE
MUST MAKE AN APPEAL TO BATTLE AND TO THE GOD OF HOSTS! [Immense applause
and a rush for the orator.]

One can realize with this ability to move people's minds that the
Southern Conspiracy were right to hate this man. He, better than any at
the time was able to uncover their stratagems and tear down their
sophisms and contradictions.




POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE

TO W. C. WHITNEY.

SPRINGFIELD, July 9, 1856.

DEAR WHITNEY:--I now expect to go to Chicago on the 15th, and I probably
shall remain there or thereabouts for about two weeks.

It turned me blind when I first heard Swett was beaten and Lovejoy
nominated; but, after much reflection, I really believe it is best to let
it stand. This, of course, I wish to be confidential.

Lamon did get your deeds. I went with him to the office, got them, and
put them in his hands myself.

Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.




ON OUT-OF-STATE CAMPAIGNERS

TO WILLIAM GRIMES.

SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, July 12, 1856

Your's of the 29th of June was duly received. I did not answer it because
it plagued me. This morning I received another from Judd and Peck,
written by consultation with you. Now let me tell you why I am plagued:

1. I can hardly spare the time.

2. I am superstitious. I have scarcely known a party preceding an
election to call in help from the neighboring States but they lost the
State. Last fall, our friends had Wade, of Ohio, and others, in Maine;
and they lost the State. Last spring our adversaries had New Hampshire
full of South Carolinians, and they lost the State. And so, generally, it
seems to stir up more enemies than friends.

Have the enemy called in any foreign help? If they have a foreign
champion there I should have no objection to drive a nail in his track. I
shall reach Chicago on the night of the 15th, to attend to a little
business in court. Consider the things I have suggested, and write me at
Chicago. Especially write me whether Browning consents to visit you.

Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.




REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN SPEECH

FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT GALENA, ILLINOIS, IN THE FREMONT CAMPAIGN, AUGUST
1, 1856.

You further charge us with being disunionists. If you mean that it is our
aim to dissolve the Union, I for myself answer that it is untrue; for
those who act with me I answer that it is untrue. Have you heard us
assert that as our aim? Do you really believe that such is our aim? Do
you find it in our platform, our speeches, our conventions, or anywhere?
If not, withdraw the charge.

But you may say that, though it is not our aim, it will be the result if
we succeed, and that we are therefore disunionists in fact. This is a
grave charge you make against us, and we certainly have a right to demand
that you specify in what way we are to dissolve the Union. How are we to
effect this?

The only specification offered is volunteered by Mr. Fillmore in his
Albany speech. His charge is that if we elect a President and
Vice-President both from the free States, it will dissolve the Union.
This is open folly. The Constitution provides that the President and
Vice-President of the United States shall be of different States, but
says nothing as to the latitude and longitude of those States. In 1828
Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee, and John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina,
were elected President and Vice-President, both from slave States; but no
one thought of dissolving the Union then on that account. In 1840
Harrison, of Ohio, and Tyler, of Virginia, were elected. In 1841 Harrison
died and John Tyler succeeded to the Presidency, and William R. King, of
Alabama, was elected acting Vice-President by the Senate; but no one
supposed that the Union was in danger. In fact, at the very time Mr.
Fillmore uttered this idle charge, the state of things in the United
States disproved it. Mr. Pierce, of New Hampshire, and Mr. Bright, of
Indiana, both from free States, are President and Vice-President, and the
Union stands and will stand. You do not pretend that it ought to dissolve
the Union, and the facts show that it won't; therefore the charge may be
dismissed without further consideration.